For decades, Bihar is often mocked with casual, condescending jabs like:
“Dekh rahe ho Binod Baat Kitna accha karta hai ye neta| Lekin keya kare apni jaat ka to nahi hai।”
This taunt is flung to portray Bihari voters as hopelessly caste-obsessed. Yet, no such ridicule is directed when a Nair votes en masse in Kerala, a Matua swings Bengal, or a Jat consolidates in Haryana. Why? Because Bihar discusses caste openly, while others practice it silently. The difference is not in caste politics it’s in caste honesty .
While caste still influences political mobilisation, a closer examination of Bihar’s electoral history over the past 15 years is more complex. Bihar’s voter is not static in identity; they are voting—slowly, to be sure based on performance, leadership, and aspiration. From the emergence of “Sushasan Babu” Nitish Kumar to the confidence of new voters in 2024, Bihar’s democracy is changing. And in doing so, it mirrors the Indian story more generally, where caste is omnipresent, just in different guises.
Bihar, 2010–2024: Caste as Constant, Aspiration as Variable 2010: A Governance-Caste Fusion
The 2010 Bihar Assembly polls were a watershed when Nitish Kumar, then in the BJP-led NDA, won a historic mandate on the plank of “development with justice.” His model of governance—roads, education, and women’s empowerment—altered caste allegiances. Kurmis and upper castes stuck with him, but Mahadalits and EBCs started to waver because of focused welfare.
Outcome: NDA secured 206 seats out of 243 and 39.1% vote share.
Insight: For the first time, governance was a caste-bridging instrument.
2015: The Grand Alliance and Caste Consolidation
JD(U), RJD, and Congress’s Mahagathbandhan consolidated the M-Y (Muslim-Yadav) vote base, complemented by Nitish’s EBC and women’s vote. This was a self-avowed antidote toBJP’s post-2014 religious polarisation.
Result: Mahagathbandhan won 178 seats with 41.9% vote share.
Insight: Mobilized on a strong anti-BJP platform, caste blocs were the dominant force.
2019: Modi Wave Overpowers Social Arithmetic
Despite all expectations that caste combinations would benefit the Mahagathbandhan, the NDA (BJP-JD(U)-LJP) swept Bihar in the Lok Sabha polls. Balakot nationalism, Modi’s charisma, and direct benefits schemes trumped everything else.
Result: NDA won 39 of the 40 seats.
Vote Share: NDA combined: 53% (BJP: 23.6%, JD(U): 21.8%, LJP: 7.9%).
Insight: Caste mattered—but Modi’s personality, national security, and welfare came ahead.
2020: The Year of Youth and Debate on Performance
Assembly polls signaled a tight battle. RJD’s Tejashwi Yadav ran a job-oriented campaign with a promise of 10 lakh government jobs. NDA came back to power by a narrow margin, but the tale was one of governance and hope.
Result: NDA: 125 (BJP 74, JD(U) 43); RJD: 75.
Insight: A generation-focused story dissolved caste-based affiliations in urban and semi-urban areas.
2024: Fatigue, Fragmentation, and New Priorities
While NDA remained in power, discontent was widespread. Defection rates so high in Nitish Kumar’s party, unemployment, and inflation eroded core vote bases.
Trend: upper castes and Non-Yadav OBCs remained loyal to BJP; Yadavs and Muslims remained with RJD; but youth and women switched based on delivery and emotion.
Survey Statistics: 60% of the voters under 30 voted on jobs, inflation, and credibility rather than caste.
Insight: Identity matters—but without delivery, it is insufficient
Bihar Caste in Bihar vs. the ‘Casteless’ States: Myth Explored
Bihar is stereotyped as caste-preoccupied on a daily basis. But caste is a political reality everywhere in India—it simply takes a different form.
West Bengal: Class as a Veil
West Bengal’s political self-definition rests on secularism and class solidarity. Recent
tendencies, however, exhibit unmistakable caste assertion:
Matua Dalits and Rajbanshis have turned into election game-changers. BJP success in 2019 was because of caste mobilization even within this “class-first” state.
Insight: Bengal is not lacking in caste—it hides it behind class and region.
Kerala: Secular but Caste-Bound
Kerala is set up as a model of egalitarian politics. But:Voting remains along caste-community lines: Nairs (Congress), Ezhavas (CPI-M or BJP), and
Muslims/Christians (IUML/Church). Local organizations like NSS and SNDP Yogam de facto control voters.
Insight: Kerala employs “soft casteism”—no fanfare, but deliberate caste balancing.
Delhi: City But Not Casteless
Even in cosmopolitan Delhi, Personalized messages are employed to reach Jats, Gujjars, Brahmins, Purvanchalis. AAP’s success was achieved by appealing to Dalits and lower OBCs through welfare and anti-elite rhetoric.
Insight: Caste trends are hidden in Delhi’s urban problems, especially in outer areas and slum rings.
What Sets Bihar Apart
Caste is Transparent: Caste in Bihar is openly recognized, talked about, and used for negotiation. It is subtle, but not missing, in other states.
Mandal Legacy: Bihar’s electorate is highly caste-politics aware, which is a product of post-1990 social justice politics.
New Synthesis Forms: Especially for women and youth, caste no longer works—performance, hope, and dignity are determinants. Three Major Trends Influencing Bihar’s Voter Today.
Caste Is a Starting Point, Not a Limit: Castes such as Yadavs, Kurmis, Paswans, and upper castes maintain their identity orientation but also vote on the basis of wider coalitions and sentiments.
Youth and Women Are Deciders, Not Dependents Women, typically silent swing voters, voted independently in Nitish’s favor years ago. First-time voters now are aspirational, mobile, and digital, caring more about jobs and respect than heritage. Welfare has substituted Jati as a Guarantee: They say “Kaam hua ki nahi?” before voting. Caste continues to be the lens—but not the complete picture. Conclusion: Bihar Is Not the Exception—It Is the Mirror Caste is not
a Bihar issue. It is an Indian reality. The only difference is, Bihar discusses it openly. While others conceal caste behind region, language, or secularism, Bihar confronts it head-on—sometimes with even more democratic passion. But even in Bihar, the winds are changing. The 2020 and 2024 elections demonstrated that the Bihari voter is not stuck on the axis of identity. They want dignity, development, and delivery. In many senses, Bihar is charting the course Indian democracy is taking—where identity is of some relevance but performance is king.
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Ravi Kumar is a political consultant and Socio-Political Writer. He comments on different contemporary political issues and writes about it as he has sound experience due to his prolonged work on the ground as persistent observer of the Democracy on field.