The Quad As An Asian NATO

Sitaram Sharma – The writer is the Founder President of the Tagore Institute of Peace Studies (TIPS), a Think Tank and Research Centre based in Kolkata.

The contours of global relations have changed beyond recognition since India joined the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, a strategic partnership between India, the United States, Japan and Australia (QUAD), formally in 2007. Things have turned southwards particularly following the border clashes with China and, more recently, due to India’s deteriorating relations with the United States of America.

The Quad underwent significant transformations in recent years to become a central pillar of India’s foreign policy in the Indo-Pacific. It evolved into a strategic partnership focused on ensuring regional security and stability, particularly in response to China’s growing influence. It serves as a counterpoint to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which has been instrumental in expanding Beijing’s influence through the financing of infrastructure projects across Asia, Africa and Latin America.

As the Quad continues to expand its scope, developments at the 2024 Quad Summit and India’s well-negotiated disengagement with China along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) illustrate how New Delhi must adeptly balance its national interests.

New Delhi’s Role in the Quad

These developments demonstrate how the Quad has evolved beyond a loose coalition of like-minded democracies to become a platform for tangible regional projects. This shift is crucial for India, as it enables New Delhi to contribute to regional security without explicitly engaging in direct military confrontations with China. While the Quad has become a valuable platform for India, its strategic calculus is complicated by its relationship with China. India and China have a protracted history of border disputes, which culminated in a lethal confrontation in the Galwan Valley in 2020. However, recent disengagement efforts along the LAC indicate a potential de-escalation, though the relationship remains fraught with tension. This disengagement is significant as it influences India’s engagement with the Quad and its positioning vis-à-vis China.

For India, maintaining a peaceful border with China is critical, as overt conflict could strain its military resources and weaken its position in the Quad. This is
particularly relevant given that India is the sole Quad member with a direct land border with China, rendering it uniquely vulnerable to military escalations. The recent disengagement allows India to focus on strengthening its maritime security in the Indo-Pacific through the Quad and Small Islands, rather than being drawn into a prolonged military standoff on its northern border. However, this disengagement does not imply that India can afford to relax its vigilance. China’s ongoing investments in India’s neighbouring countries, such as Pakistan and Sri Lanka, through the BRI continue to encircle India strategically.

Quad as an Asian NATO

The expanded character of the manoeuvres has instigated concern over the Quad’s potential to become an anti-Chinese coalition likened to an Asian NATO. Although both frameworks were ostensibly created to counter collective national security threats from the USSR (Russia) or the People’s Republic of China, their fundamental differences render a direct comparison between the QUAD and NATO inappropriate.

Thus, India’s involvement in the Quad remains crucial to counterbalance China’s influence in the region. By focusing on non-traditional security issues, such as infrastructure, digital connectivity and capacity building, India can engage with the Quad in a manner that does not provoke overt military conflict with China but safeguards its strategic interests nevertheless. One of the challenges India faces in the Quad is the differing strategic priorities of its partners. While the USA, Japan and Australia are primarily focused on the Western Pacific and countering Chinese influence in areas like the South China Sea, India’s primary focus remains the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). Hence, first and foremost, India seeks to secure the IOR from dragon’s influence in the Asian backyard while maintaining a limited hedge in the Pacific.

India’s strategic autonomy has been a fundamental principle of its foreign policy and its involvement in the Quad must be analysed through this perspective. India has historically exercised caution regarding close alignment with any single military alliance and the Quad is no exception. While the grouping does not constitute a formal military alliance, increased military cooperation within the Quad — such as the Malabar naval exercises represents an emerging trend. Experts believe that India must recalculate its military moves as positioning the Quad too closely with Indo-Pacific strategies may inadvertently provoke China into escalating tensions in the eastern IOR. It could lead to a strategic shift, potentially opening a new front in maritime rivalry that India would prefer to avoid.

India has enhanced its defence ties with all Quad members through bilateral agreements. It maintains a cautious approach regarding the escalation of
tensions with China. The recent disengagement at the LAC enables India to concentrate on developing military interoperability in the maritime domain,
rather than becoming involved in land and maritime conflicts. This strategic decision allows India to contribute to the Quad’s security objectives without
overcommitting to direct military confrontations, which could potentially compromise its economic and diplomatic interests in the region.

Modi doctrine and the Indo-Pacific

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is breathing new life into the concept of Indo- Pacific security. It is focused on the vigorous pursuit of political influence through regional maritime powers. Heightened security cooperation with Japan, Australia and the United States is the prime indicator of the new doctrine. Shinzo Abe, the former Japanese Prime Minister was the first to underscore the rising significance and linkages between the Indian and the Pacific Oceans. During his visit to India, Prime Minister Abe had commented that the rising confluence of the two seas would draw together Asia’s two wealthiest democracies. Modi’s evolving doctrine in the Indo-Pacific is also being largely encouraged by the regional institutions seeking a greater role for New Delhi. In the east, the rhetoric has been that India has so far failed to play its role as a security partner in the region.

India’s Careful Navigation

India’s participation in the Quad presents both opportunities and challenges. On one hand, the Quad offers India a platform to counterbalance China’s
influence in the Indo-Pacific, particularly through initiatives in infrastructure, technology, and maritime security. On the other hand, India’s unique geographic and strategic position bordering China necessitates careful navigation of its relationship with Beijing to avoid military escalation. The recent disengagement on the LAC affords India the opportunity to focus on the Quad’s broader strategic objectives without the distraction of border tensions.

As the Quad continues to evolve, India is likely to assume a more prominent role in shaping its agenda. However, India’s engagement will remain pragmatic, ensuring that it can secure its national interests while maintaining its strategic autonomy in an increasingly multipolar world. In this hedging act, India stands to derive significant benefits from its active participation in the Quad, provided it can continue to navigate the complexities of its relationship with China and the differing priorities of its Quad partners. The future ofIndia’s role in the Indo-Pacific will depend on its ability to leverage the Quad’sgrowing influence while safeguarding its own strategic and economic imperatives.

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